One year ago (early September 2021) I was in the unique position of being a party to a small international incident. I was traveling to Brasilia with a small group to attend CPAC Brasil, for meetings and conversations with interesting people in Brazilian politics and journalism.
As CPAC does, it brings conservatives together from all over to engage in best practices and learn from each other. Ideas are the lifeblood of the conservative movement, and we need to coalition better to get our superior ideas to the forefront as our ideological opponents are constantly trying to silence us through coercion or bad faith regulation.
Much of the theme of this conference was dedicated to this focal point — we need to preserve our means and modes of communication amongst each other in our domestic movements to be sure, but also in the global ideas movement now more than ever. The establishment left has globalized their coordination (coercively of course) in pursuit of their harmonized technocratic global power designs, meant to erode our freedoms in national sovereignties and individual decision making (vaccine passports? “c’mon man” to quote our the current comatose vegetable-in-chief).
One of my traveling companions that week was Jason Miller, former Trump advisor, and now a private businessman and social media entrepreneur who serves as the CEO of the then-recently launched GETTR platform. GETTR is an alternative to the censorious Twitter and is a clever portmanteau of “get together”- which again aligns with this key focal point of coordination in pursuit of successful coalition. The mission of the new app is to provide the true free speech digital zone. He is obviously a high profile figure in American politics and now in the technology sphere as well.
The people we met at CPAC did not disappoint and we followed the close of the event with more interesting meetings including having the opportunity to meet with the sitting head of state, President Jair Bolsonaro. I am of the school of thought, if you can meet with any head of state, even ones you might not agree with or support, you take that opportunity as you will probably gain a deeper understanding into that country, society, and culture.
President Bolsonaro showed himself to be a charming, intelligent, engaging, passionate, dedicated leader of his people. Talking to plenty of Brazilian citizens that week, they appeared to concur with my assessment of their president. This became even more clear in the days that followed our presence in-country as manifestations of record setting rallies of support were held in all the cities and numbered in the many millions.
If one believes what the mainstream (perniciously hard left activist) media says you’d think the people of Brazil have wanted to ignominiously turf him out over this last two years. But after these conversations and seeing some of the supportive activist fervor that followed him at all appearances, nothing could be further from the truth. So apparently Brazil has a CNN problem just like we have in the United States.
I learned a lot in those few days about the Brazilian political situation on the ground. When Brazilian conservatives had told me previously about how fraught the situation is there, I didn’t fully understand. After being there for a few days, I began to more fully comprehend their allegations. Evidently due to our speeches and meetings, we had gained some visibility, which made this education that much more tangible.
This impression was immediately validated on our little group’s penultimate afternoon when one of the mainstream (read: hard left) outlets published that we were under surveillance by federal investigators while we were in Brasilia. For this to be reported, it had to be leaked. By the federal investigators surveilling us.
The next morning we headed to the airport and after going through security and customs we were detained by the Federal Police of Brazil (Policia Federal or PF as they’re known acronymically) and Jason Miller, a US citizen and private businessman, was interrogated. We were released in a few hours, but not before our detention was again leaked to the conglomerated lefty sympathetic mainstream press. For this to have happened at all, it proved what Brazilian conservatives were trying to tell the world: (to paraphrase Hamlet) something is truly rotten in the heart of Brazil.
The rotten character of the current Brazilian democracy as it currently stands goes by the name of Alexandre de Moraes. And the rotting corpse of a body to which he belongs is known as the Supreme Federal Court of Brazil (Supremo Tribunal Federal or STF).
Moraes is a highly political, zealous, former Sao Paulo prosecutor who was selected for Justice Minister (akin to Attorney General in the American Department of Justice) by President Michel Temer. Temer was the former vice president who served a short stint as president after then-president Dilma Rousseff was impeached and removed for (brazen levels of) corruption. Temer had no mandate, was an out of touch laughing-stock throughout the country, highly globalist in philosophy (with oft-alleged ties to the Chinese CCP), and had 7% approval through his tenure.
Merely eight months after his appointment as Justice Minister, Moraes was then quickly elevated to the STF, where terms are open ended with only a mandatory requirement to retire at the age of 75. Moraes was 48 when he was presidentially selected and senatorially confirmed, and now is 53.
The justices of the STF do not only adjudicate cases but they have far more powers than any judiciary I have ever come across in a nation state widely accepted to be a modern democracy. In fact, the powers these judges have, and which Moraes abuses wantonly, with no check nor accountability for gross overreach (such as our short detention), would make Robert Mugabe, nee Robespierre, blush.
The court itself is comprised of 11 justices and of the current makeup, 7 were appointed by the Luiz Inacio Lula de Silva (aka: Lula) and Dilma Rousseff (aka: Dilma) regime, one predated those two convicted felons (more on them later), Moraes was appointed by Temer (which was a default short extension of that corrupt regime), and two by President Bolsonaro (who is the reactionary force against these many years of corrupted regimes).
So the court now exists as a political stanchion of the Lula party which can most simply be understood as a pure political representation of hard leftism with all of its concomitant bad political and social impulses and approaches to political power wielding. When left unchecked, these factions have trended toward a Chavismo form of communistic concentration of power.
Checking them is almost impossible given the powers they have taken in contravention of the Brazilian constitution. At any given point they can comprehensively control the four pillars of justice delivery (investigation, arrest, prosecution, and judgement). It is exceedingly easy for them, when motivated by partisan politics, to serve as judge, jury, and executioner against their political enemies or the supporters of the political opposition.
And their enemy is the populist, nationalist, conservative movement that is truly a galvanized once-silent, now exceedingly loud, popular majority behind Bolsonaro. (“We are all Bolsonaristas now” is seemingly evident all over the country.)
The STF nominally is supposed to rule on issues of constitutionality (like most supreme courts in modern democracies), but given the powers they have in investigating, enforcing, prosecuting, and adjudicating in actions where they themselves are the defendant, they have powers they can wield politically with almost no check. They enjoy difficult mechanisms to execute to censure or reverse their actions when these actions go too far (which they certainly have been going, in reaction to the Bolsonaro movement’s rise and widespread support):
1) They are able to give themselves “standing” as the victim of a crime with a “right” to press charges — including in their oft used/abused charge of “defaming” them when free citizens (and most frequently their conservative political opposition, ie: the Bolsonaristas) call them out in writing and speech for their brazen corruption in political witch hunts, false charges, and even imprisonments of innocent citizens who have the moral right to free expression (examples of this below). It is important to note there is no American style first amendment that gives Brazilians the statutory and constitutional civil right to unfettered free speech. (Deputy Carol De Toni, a congresswoman, is working on rectifying this via her vocal role in currently drafting legislation to give Brazilians more free speech and expression rights.)
With this ability this court can use their powers for their own politically partisan interests in a tautological manner. They can overshoot common sense rule of law in arrest and prosecution of their enemies and when journalists criticize that gross overstep, they too end up on the wrong side of “the law” and are prosecuted by this same court apparatus for “defamation.” One can see how this unchecked makes them a political hit squad.
2) They have access to their own federal law enforcement arm (despite no enumeration of such powers bestowed upon them in the Brazilian constitution) via an arm of the aforementioned Federal Police (PF), which is akin in an American corollary with the FBI (and American conservatives know all too well about that body’s recent “dedication” to law enforcement along politically expedient lines). This gives them the right to make arrests and conduct raids, investigations, communications interceptions (such as wiretaps or email uncloaking), and detainments in the name of such investigations, as our intrepid party experienced last year at the Brasilia airport.
3) They can refer the findings of investigations they’ve launched to the federal prosecutors office who select cases to prosecute (it is not shocking to learn that the cases are often selectively prosecuted along political fault lines and alliances as described above), who then argues them in court for disposition in front of the same judges on the bench of the same political set who will then “adjudicate” these prosecutions.
4) Those same cases that stemmed from launched investigations at the behest of the court itself are then brought in front of these judges to have dispositions and sentences handed down. This court in particular has the right of suspending sentences (of their allies of course) when other appellate mechanisms are exhausted, or release convicted felons while never-ending appeals are filed, thus de facto vacating criminal court convictions and judgements. (This is an important component of the contemporary Brazilian political dynamic given what has transpired as will be demonstrated vis a vis pending candidate Lula.)
If you find yourself an enemy of the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court and especially of the political zealot Alexandre de Moraes, watch out as he will unleash the holy hell of investigation, arrest, detention, prosecution, judgement, and incarceration upon you. Under no circumstances should you call out the corruption of such a system, or you will be proven right in your original assertion.
Imagine if Adam Schiff, Jerrold Nadler, Jim Comey, Robert Mueller, Eric Holder, Emmet Sullivan, and Sonia Sotomayor could work in concert, with no conflict of collusion walled off, in using all of their investigatory and subpoena powers and powers in passing judgement and handing down convictions, fines, and prison sentences, in each of their respective roles (legislative, executive, and judicial) but rolled into one government body, in the furtherance of one political goal. This goal? Removing supporters of the opposition off the societal chessboard of political debate and imprisoning enough of these vocal political thought leaders that robust debate over what ails the society is chilled. If you can imagine this, then you will understand what the Bolsonaristas are up against with this “supreme” court.
There are numerous (supposedly) free Brazilian citizens who exercise their God-given rights, prescribed under the philosophy of natural law, and express themselves in the town square (or digital town square as the case may be) and share their political opinions on society. They dared criticize this court, this system, and this “justice” Alexandre de Moraes (who it must be said, bears an eerie resemblance to what a Brazilian doppelganger of Lex Luthor would look like, an albeit silly irony that should not be lost on anyone).
Here are just a few of the high profile cases of those citizens, even political leaders and elected representatives, who’ve had the temerity to call out such moral corruption and rot in this judiciary, in mediums as innocuous as social media, and who have thusly had their freedoms curtailed and stolen from them by this body, and by this judicial thug Moraes; for what the court describes as “posing threats to the court or to its ministers.” Again this is a small sampling of political operatives, journalists, elected politicians, etc. who have been arrested by this out of control court:
- Sara Winter – a former feminist activist turned conservative Bolsonarista
- Daniel Silveira – a pro-Bolsonaro congressman- sentenced to prison for criticizing the STF and Moraes and who was pardoned by Bolsonaro only to have it overruled by the this same Moraes-run court from which the dispute originated. He was then released to home confinement and re-incarcerated a few months later
- Roberto Jefferson – president of the PTB party
- Wellington Macedo – a conservative journalist
- Oswaldo Eustaquio – a conservative blogger and social media journalist
- Bernardo Kuster- blogger and social media activist whose accounts been shut down
There are many other names of individuals who have had their houses searched, been subpoenaed to answer questions in formal interrogations during active (but secret) investigations, and experienced other forms of intimidation. But these six listed above are among the biggest names in the Brazilian conservative movement that have been arrested at some point for their political opinions and affiliations since the rise of Bolsonaro.
Oswaldo Eustaquio in particular is an egregious case as he was largely a social media guerilla journalist who talked to people in the street and has continually showed the internet how popular Bolsonaro is with the common man on the ground in addition to trumpeting political corruption that he vetted from sources. He has been arrested three times with a fourth warrant, recently issued, outstanding. During one of his stints locked up he was allowed to be beaten up badly and during another, tortured while in custody at the hands of the police and prevented from receiving complete medical care afterwards. He was held without bail for a year when the law says 10 days is a maximum detention without hearing. In one instance he was falsely deemed to have violated a previous probationary release but it was a trap to incarcerate him again.
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Eustaquio has residual physical impairment from these episodes, and has been deemed at least temporarily paraplegic from the physical abuse, and is currently in exile in Mexico City. The court would like to get their hands on him and have him pushed back into domestic house arrest (given the physical damage they did to his body).
As they often do with their critics, the court has handed down orders by judicial fiat for big tech to shut down Eustaquio social media channels (Twitter, YouTube, Instagram) lest the tech companies accrue large fines.
We all know how Big Tech feels about censoring those on the right with whom they disagree. In the past they did put up a limp-wristed fig-leaf argument with this court about the impingement on “free expression,” which does say quite a lot about the scale of this overreach, that Big Tech would defend the free expression of avowed political rightists. But ultimately they rolled over under the threat of daily accruing fines if they didn’t de-platform these activists and journalists. I estimate that they are likely content that the court forced their hand so as they can pass the buck on “blame” for the outcome of a censored grassroots right wing.
In more recent months, in a game of politics between President Bolsonaro and Alexandre de Moraes, whereby there were overtures of détente, Moraes revoked the pending arrest warrant for Oswaldo Eustaquio, only to have that overture denied by a different minister of the court- Luis Robert Barroso, who is another appointee to the court by Dilma Rousseff. The politicization of justice in Brazil knows no bounds.
Another one of Brazil’s most important political journalists, Allan Dos Santos, founder of conservative outlet Terca Livre, is currently in exile in the U.S. because the same fate awaited him if he stayed. They began investigating him, interrogating him, raiding his residence, intimidating his colleagues during the investigation, and he wisely saw the writing on the wall and moved to a less fraught political jurisdiction so that he could continue his important work of exposing this court’s anti-democratic behavior and the corruption ties of those cronies that installed these anti-democratic thugs. As usual in Brazil, when it comes to corruption at the highest political level — all roads lead back to the Lula & Dilma regime. Santos has even had an Interpol Red Notice issued at the behest of the STF whereby he has been restricted in his travel. He is a journalist yet this sort of list exists to sanction and capture the world’s most dangerous multinational criminals. This is what this court does to the political enemies of the Brazilian leftist establishment (again, read: Dilma and Lula).
Clearly this concentration of power in a federal judiciary, any judiciary, is dangerous. But it is especially pernicious in one that is still so political that it continues to exist as a vestige of the previous corrupt and autocratic-trending socialist/communist regime as the Lula and Dilma kleptocracy.
Of course an out of control politically active judiciary should have some checks on it to censure, sanction, and force reversal of actions should they be unconstitutional and openly deemed so. In Brazil, the legislature has the right to do so but there exists a dynamic that makes censure of the STF infeasible. Many in the Congress and Senate are also now able to be investigated by the STF. So, there exists a sliding scale from fear down toward compliance. There is also an undercurrent of political alliance with Moraes and the Lula/Dilma Workers’ Party circle that is materially existent.
Quantifying the representation in the lower house, albeit imperfectly; one fifth of the congress is pro-Bolsonaro, one fifth is rabidly against, one fifth is mildly against the president, and two fifths (give or take) are pliant based on the political priorities of the moment, fear of prosecution themselves, or their own involvement in extracurricular corruptions to the extent that legislating and defending the constitution is not a part of their calculus. (These dynamics exist in congresses and parliaments all over the world.)
Par for the course is that this congress debates and passes laws like the infamous “fake news bill” to quash internal debate in the country. Even globalist left human rights groups have condemned these overreaches against natural law rights (rights endowed in us by our creator, not government) such as free expression and speech and association.
Did I mention the STF can suspend or vacate previous criminal corruption sentences? Even sentences of those rightfully imprisoned in fair trials that exposed to the world the highest level public corruption, corruption so brazen that it was incontrovertible? This is exactly what happened with Lula’s sentence when the STF ruled he could remain free pending all avenues of appeal which may take forever to adjudicate and de facto makes this a vacating of his conviction, despite the acceptance by most all that his was a fair trial and a just conviction.
Lula was convicted and sentenced to 12 years but was emancipated in a politically motivated release-pending-never-ending-appeal after he served just 580 days (less than 1/8 of the prescribed prison term handed down). This act has allowed the STF to unilaterally put Lula back on the domestic political chess board as the leader of their political cohort. This is a brazen act of political self-interest grounded in no jurisprudence whatsoever in modern democracy.
Eduardo Bolsonaro, the president’s son and an elected congressman widely followed and loved by the people, publicly referred to this reprehensible action, in his typical no frills way of communicating to (and with) the people, as he said: “this was shitting on society’s head.”
Lula, like Dilma at the same time, was ensnared in a wide ranging corruption investigation that saw many in their political circle caught. Named “Operation Car Wash”, it is worth reading about in depth given the scale of venality and depravity of their crimes. They were convicted of the highest level breach of trust in public corruption (“defrauding public accounts”) in selling state assets for kickbacks and then engaging in money laundering to hide their ill-gotten gains. One of the beneficiaries in their schemes was China and its Chinese Communist Party, whom Lula had set in motion making the main trading counterparty to Brazil during his tenure.
The CCP has long harbored ambitions for closer economic ties to Brazil given the wealth the country has in agricultural commodities as well as other resources such as energy and minerals. China correctly sees the road to global imperial economic hegemony is through the deployment of their own dishonestly anti-competitive built up capital reserve capacity to purchase the strategic assets of weaker nations that they can prey upon.
In Lula, Dilma, and crew the CCP had willing partners for economic and political alignment. Communists always most readily partner with the most morally corrupt. As Lenin said: “we will sell the capitalists the rope from which we will hang them.” That theorem is made that much realizable when economic partners are politically sympathetic to Marx’s grand vision. Brazilians saw it and were outraged over it. They get it.
So what is Lula doing now? He is running for president next week in the first round of the Brazilian elections against the incumbent President Bolsonaro. Tellingly, it is challenging for him to actively campaign because he is so frequently jeered. Given that, logic suggests that Lula would lose handily to Bolsonaro’s re-election, but as the morally repugnant Josef Stalin cynically postulated: it’s not who gets the most votes that wins the election, but who counts the votes.
With that in mind, there is a movement among the grassroots right, the silent vast majority, and the Bolsonaro executive branch to bring about auditable balloting, which the SPF is trying to curtail with all its might. The election is set to be run electronically, which as we know in America is rife for potential irregularities. People march chanting “give us paper ballots.” What do they know that the globalist leftist media does not? Hmmm….a real head scratcher.
The election ballot tabulation system used in the previous Brazilian election, and ostensibly the pending one, is the well-known system known as Smartmatic. This is the system built by a Venezuelan company in 2000 and was first used by the Chavez regime in the 2004 referendum that saw him confirmed.
The SPF sees it as also part of its mandate to protect itself from “defamation” and “threat” by going after those who suggest the elections might not be executed cleanly. This is leading to their arresting auditable ballot activist proponents and silencing them on social media via court order.
If the Bolsonaristas do not succeed in bringing integrity to this system this election will be defrauded brazenly and the coming election stolen. The court will not allow charges of irregularity or theft to be heard, evidence introduced, and the case honestly tried by an impartial bench. Sound familiar, my fellow American friends?
As readers might guess, Brazil’s monolithic hard left media is yet another example of a domestic media complex, one of so many from around the world, that will enthusiastically abrogate its role as the fourth estate and “watcher of the watchers” and will not decry any exposed election irregularities as anything more than a conspiracy theory and an assault on democracy. Sound familiar, yet again, Americans friends?
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If this election is brazenly defrauded, as the media upholds the fallacious “don’t believe your lying eyes” narrative, the second largest democracy in the western hemisphere by population (and the sixth largest nation in the world, the fourth largest democracy, and the 12th largest economy by GDP), will then be set on a path toward Lula-fashioned Chavismo. And this time, it will be with an imperial CCP ready to extend its Latin American sphere of political and economic influence in pursuit of its global hegemony whilst making Brazil its natural resource and agricultural vassal. The elite politburo communists of the Lula/Dilma circles, while bleating political slogans of “workers of the world unite,” will then re-engage in their looting and plundering of the national wealth and their selling of it to the ChiComs for cash in bags.
Needless to say, for those who believe in classical liberal values and freedom, legitimacy as expressed by delivered mandates via the popular will, and rule of law and impartial justice meted out along sensible (checked and balanced) constitutional guidelines, the Bolsonaro regime must be supported. The forces of evil, as per usual since the times of Marx, whence he codified political evil into the ideology we have since referred to as communism, are again encircling this nation and it’s great people.
The Bolsonaro family is a moral bulwark for the free society of Brazil. They have become, in their fiery and assertive messaging and fearless attitude and demeanor, the symbol and representation of and for the fed up electorate. The silent, ever louder, majority, who desire freedom and free expression, honest elections, public corruption rooted out, and their sovereignty maintained and defended from globalist interests, rightly see the Bolsonaros as their champions. And this president and his circle are seen as the defenders of the national natural resource asset base of Brazil, which this society has been blessed with in abundance and which is the birth right of every Brazilian citizen. They do not want it sold out from under them to imperial Chinese communists. Brazilians have no interest in seeing their next generations become the economic prey of those who’d have them conversing in Mandarin within the next half a century.
Brazil needs all of our help — from conservatives, nationalists, populists, Westphalian sovereigntists, republicans in the literal sense, and even democrats in the classical sense, as this out of control court, the STF, is in no way emblematic of a democratic judiciary’s highest court.
Moral support from lovers and defenders of freedom worldwide will be necessary to sustain the Bolsonaristas in this pending dark electoral moment. They need to know we see and understand their fraught situation, that they are not alone. Our media has to cover their travails and spread the word about their bad complexes and risky pitfalls ahead. As the Bolsonaros often exclaim in the chants they lead in their rallies — “Brazil will never be communist.” Let’s hope that they have the fortitude to stay the course and guarantee that this chant is a defiant sturdy proclamation more than merely a wishful ambition.
Pray for Brazil in these coming weeks.