Guest post by John Cleer
We know enough about True The Vote’s work from their March 24 Wisconsin presentation and the previously-released drop box footage to answer the key questions about their research:
-was the ballot stuffing coordinated?
-were there enough trafficked votes to swing elections?
-is the evidence rock solid, and is it accessible to everyday people?
Dinesh D’Souza’s 2000 Mules delivers True The Vote’s findings to a mass audience and makes the research accessible, and in doing so clears the hurdle that the other proofs we’ve seen could not.
“This is the main event for breaking the public out of their spell who still don’t think 2020 was rigged,” says D’Souza: phone location records of suspected ballot traffickers (“mules”) are confirmed by video footage of the suspects stuffing drop boxes in the middle of the night and taking pictures of the ballots as they drop them in to verify the drops and get paid.
Accepting payment to deliver the ballots makes this ballot trafficking: this is ILLEGAL in every state, even where ballot harvesting is not. Furthermore there are state laws governing ballot harvesting where it’s allowed. In Georgia, absentee ballots can only be returned by someone else if the voter is disabled or illiterate, and in that case only by family members or people who live with the disabled or illiterate voter, and “satisfactory proof” of the relationship must be provided.
It’s safe to say these mules weren’t delivering ballots for disabled family members at 2 in the morning: 2,000 is the number of mules who made at least 10 trips to drop boxes and 5 trips to NGO’s (allegedly to pick up more ballots) On average they made 38 drop box visits and dropped in 5 ballots each for a total of nearly 200 ballots per mule at a minimum. D’Souza has speculated that the media may say the mules were family members, and that would be absurd: that all 2,000 of them had 200 or more disabled relatives each and just happened to deliver their ballots into 38 different boxes while wearing disposable gloves and photographing the deliveries.
Since that didn’t happen, the drop box activity in Georgia constituted both illegal ballot trafficking and illegal ballot harvesting.
D’Souza calls 2,000 a “ridiculous undercount” of the total number of mules, but as he documents in the movie the activity of just these 2,000 in five battleground states was enough to swing the election.
“The numbers are bigger [than Arizona and Georgia] in places like Philadelphia, but it turns out the number of mules is much greater, so to give you an idea, in Philadelphia 1100 mules going to an average of 50 drop boxes a piece, so just run the math: that’s 50,000 drop box visits by these mules alone, and then dropping in 4 or 5 ballots at a time, so all you have to do is run a little basic math; and by the way, in the movie we do run the math.”
“We don’t hesitate to look at the volume of the fraud and then go state by state and tell you, would this have made a difference in Wisconsin, would this have made a difference in Michigan? And you can almost recalibrate the electoral vote once you do that, and this is one of the most fascinating, absorbing parts of the movie.”
Altogether they delivered 380,000 ballots in those states; nationwide, True The Vote estimates 7% or more of all mail-in votes in the 2020 Election were trafficked, totaling 4.8 Million votes.
To put that further into perspective, the 4.8 Million estimate includes over 137,000 trafficked absentee ballots in Wisconsin, which Biden only won by 20,000 votes. And this is not by any means an all-inclusive number for the fraud in 2020, it just counts the ballots trafficked through drop boxes.
True The Vote’s Greg Philips says cell phone geodata is “immutable”: the suspects’ location history not only ties them to each drop box they visit but documents and times the routes they take to get there in a way that cannot be falsified. Philips likens this geo tracking data to “digital fingerprints” and True The Vote has used it in the past to solve two murders.
Philips then quotes a Georgetown law professor stating “DNA is the only thing harder to anonymize than precise geolocation data.” Patrick Byrne has explained this and the basics are fairly simple: the movement of the phones can be matched to public records of home addresses and other locations a person regularly visits to identify that person, even without subpoenaing his or her name from the phone company. These patterns, described in more detail further down, can show that the owner of a cell phone was the person who used it on the day the ballots were trafficked, by showing that he or she went to the same places as usual when they weren’t running ballots.
The video footage of the suspects gives another layer of proof that it was in fact them stuffing the drop boxes and not an army of other people using the suspects’ phones, as improbable as that would be, and it shows the suspects engaged in a number of behaviors that indicate criminal intent, like wearing gloves to drop the ballots and discarding them on site right after making the drops, in one case without even looking at the trash can, meaning that the mule knew where the trash can was from previous visits.
“This is legally obtained official surveillance video that was taken by the state itself,” D’Souza says, and therefor its authenticity cannot be challenged. Cameras were placed outside the drop boxes as a condition for implementing drop box voting and in some cases they recorded license plates too.
While some mules were filmed wearing gloves, others pulled their shirt over their hands to avoid leaving fingerprints. This began immediately on the day after indictments were brought, in an Arizona case based on fingerprints that were lifted from ballots. Philips claims True The Vote have identified different groups of mules and can see which group an individual works for based on these behaviors: how a trafficker covers his or her fingerprints and how they photograph themselves and/or the ballots at the drop boxes. This shows that the trafficking was organized and it shows the audience that the mules knew what they were doing was a crime.
The video evidence is decisive, because whether or not law enforcement does anything, the simple truth of it is if you can see the guy breaking into Fort Knox, he did it. And we can put video upon video upon video in the movie and the emotional effect is overwhelming, and we live in an age where video makes the difference. That’s why Kyle Rittenhouse is a free man.
Arguably the biggest reveal in the movie is that there are multiple witnesses cooperating right now with investigators: one in Arizona who worked in a ballot trafficking organization, and a second in another state who filmed and photographed numerous mules stuffing drop boxes. They play one of the events he recorded and both witnesses tell their story.
There’s a third witness we learned about in January who worked the 2020 Georgia runoff and is cooperating with True The Vote. He claims he was paid approximately $45,000 by a nonprofit group to deliver 4500 ballots at $10 per ballot and has named people and groups involved that he knew of.
Now what about the mules we see on film stuffing ballots: does it not taint the evidence to stack video upon video of their crimes in a movie to emotionally overwhelm a national audience? This would certainly jeopardize the suspects’ right to a fair trial, and investigators would then have a hard time leveraging testimony from them, if they weren’t cooperating already.
To me this strongly suggests that the filmed traffickers already made deals and made them before the first trailer was released. Perhaps the witness from the Georgia runoff made an appearance in the movie. In either case, there are now multiple witness accounts and witness footage to go along with the government drop box footage, and it’s all just secondary evidence to corroborate the suspects’ phone location records. This is an incredible body of proof.
Of course, we’ve already seen a mountain of evidence showing the election was fixed and millions of Americans have found it convincing: in March, Rasmussen found that 52% of Americans polled think “cheating affected the outcome” of the 2020 Presidential Election, including 34% of Democrats.
But there’s a difference between “thinking” that “cheating affected the outcome” and having it precisely documented by phone location data in bigger numbers than the margins of victory, and then corroborated on film:
“This is a totally different caliber of evidence than we’ve seen before, that’s what excites me about the film and that’s why I think it’s going to be crushing.
“You see, the problem when evaluating things like ‘the Chinese are hacking our election’ is you and I are not cyber security experts. We’re not in a position to know if that’s true. We can look at someone say that, we can look at an expert say Yeah that was the case, but we are at a loss to know ourselves if this type of argumentation is valid.
“On the other hand, everybody understands the physical fact of a moving cell phone and everybody understands that if a cell phone is moving in the middle of the night between 12 pm and 5 am from one drop box to another, this is not exactly dropping off a letter for your grandmother. Particularly when you picked up the ballots at some activist organization in a stash and then went on your bike or in your car to multiple drop boxes, sometimes in multiple counties.”
True The Vote can track a device’s location as closely as “within a few inches, depending on the app,” Philips says:
Each cell phone ping represents a location at a particular point in time … What the market has been able to do is add an additional component and that’s time. So it’s one thing to know where my phone is in the world, it’s quite another to know that I’m on the fourth floor, so elevation, but if you add time to that it gives us four dimensions that we can then compile into what’s called a pattern of life.
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To get this data in the first place, True the Vote drew “geo-coded polygons” around their targeted areas and purchased the geodata of all devices that passed through those polygons from October 1 to November 8. “The reason we go outside the bounds of early voting is it allows us to build a better pattern of life. If we believe certain people are doing things outside of their norm, then we have to be able to say that’s so.”
Meaning that after capturing the number of trips a device made to drop boxes during the voting period, investigators can compare this number to the number of visits the same device made to those same locations outside of the voting periods.
The payments made to these mules will almost certainly be traced back to Mark Zuckerberg if validated, since he funded both the drop boxes and what Wisconsin Special Investigator Michael Gableman says were “Get-out-the-Vote operations” that revolved around the drop boxes. David Bossie’s movie Rigged covers this well and could be seen as a companion piece to 2000 Mules that shows the source of the traffickers’ payments.
The short version of it is that Zuckerberg spent $400 Million in 2020 on drop box voting under the guise of Covid relief. The DNC by comparison spent $460 Million on the entire 2-year election cycle. “Normally, parties have to raise a great deal of money to turn out the vote,” Newt Gingrich noted. “Zuckerberg was stepping in for the Democrats and saying here’s $400 Million, let me help you turn out the vote.”
Gableman calls this a “bait and switch” and challenges its legality. His investigation of the Wisconsin election system is ongoing. What starts to emerge as you sort through everything that’s been cataloged is an organized crime ring fixing local and national elections in America and countries around the world.
“We’ve learned through the following of the money,” Philips said, “that there is a nationwide and even international grift that has developed around all of this, but voting is only part of it… it’s all basically the same: there are ballots prepared, there are ballots delivered and the result then of course is a control of the local jurisdiction.”
The question is, will this be the tipping point? I think it will, because it’s hard evidence that John Q. Public can viscerally understand and demand answers for and politicians can’t deny and obfuscate. We can hold their feet to the fire over this, and hold their feet to the fire we must. As Dr. Douglas Frank says often, politicians don’t start parades, they join them.